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Showing posts with label Human Rights Watch News. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Human Rights Watch News. Show all posts

Tuesday, June 9, 2020

ICC: Sudanese Fugitive in Custody

(Nairobi) – The surrender of Ali Kosheib to the International Criminal Court is a major advance for justice for victims of atrocities in Darfur and their families, Human Rights Watch said today. Kosheib (also spelled Kushayb) had been a fugitive from the ICC for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by government-backed militias in Darfur since 2007.


Ali Kosheib voluntarily surrendered in the Central African Republic. On June 9, 2020, the ICC announced he was in court custody. The court indicated that the Central African Republic, Chad, France, Netherlands, and United Nations peacekeeping forces provided cooperation and assistance in his surrender.

“Ali Kosheib’s surrender is a landmark for justice for victims of atrocities committed across Darfur and their families,” said Elise Keppler, associate international justice director at Human Rights Watch. “The world watched in horror as Sudan’s government carried out brutal attacks on Darfur civilians, killing, raping, burning, and looting in villages, starting in 2003. But after 13 years justice finally caught up with one major suspect, Ali Kosheib.”  

Ali Kosheib is the nom de guerre of Ali Mohammed Ali, a leader of the “Janjaweed” militia who also held commanding positions in Sudan’s auxiliary Popular Defense Forces and Central Reserve Police. On April 27, 2007, the ICC issued an arrest warrant for Kosheib and he is charged with 50 counts of crimes against humanity and war crimes.

In bringing the charges, the ICC judges found “reasonable grounds to believe” that Kosheib bears responsibility for rapes, destruction of property, perpetrating inhumane acts, and attacking and killing civilians in four villages in West Darfur in 2003 and 2004. The judges also found evidence indicating that Kosheib directed attacks as well as mobilized, recruited, armed, and provided supplies to Janjaweed militia under his command.  

Based on research in Darfur in 2004 and 2005, Human Rights Watch found that the highest levels of Sudanese leadership were responsible for creating and coordinating the government's counterinsurgency policy in Darfur, which deliberately and systematically targeted civilians in violation of international human rights and humanitarian law. Kosheib was one of the key militia leaders implicated in attacks on villages around Mukjar, Bindisi, and Garsila in 2003-2004 in West Darfur.

Sudanese authorities detained Kosheib on unrelated charges in 2007 and again in 2008. He was later released.

Kosheib has also led or participated in deadly attacks on ethnic Salamat communities in Central Darfur in April 2013. Witnesses placed Kosheib at the scene of an attack on the town of Abu Jeradil, 30 kilometers south of Um Dukhun, on April 8, riding in a government vehicle. Large numbers of heavily armed men, most wearing khaki uniforms, shot indiscriminately, burned homes and shops, stole livestock, and looted goods, killing more than 100 people, injuring scores more, and displacing tens of thousands.

Arrest warrants for four other Sudanese suspects on charges of war crimes, crimes against humanity, or genocide remain outstanding: Omar al-Bashir, the former president; Ahmed Haroun, former state minister for humanitarian affairs and former governor of Southern Kordofan state; Abdulraheem Mohammed Hussein, the former defense minister; and Abdallah Banda Abakaer, leader of the rebel Justice and Equality Movement in Darfur. All except for Banda are currently in Sudanese custody. Two other Sudanese rebel leaders were charged with crimes related to an attack on an African Union base in Darfur, but one suspect died and the ICC judges declined to confirm charges for the other.

Former president Al-Bashir was ousted in April 2019 after months of protests in Sudan, which government security forces dispersed violently, killing hundreds since December alone. Under Sudan’s power-sharing deal signed on August 17, the transitional government is headed by an 11-member Sovereign Council for a period of three years, followed by elections.

In February 2020, Mohammed Hassan al-Taishi, a member of the Sovereign Council, announced that Sudanese authorities would cooperate with the ICC, after obstruction to the court’s investigation by the former government. Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok and the Sovereign Council confirmed the government’s commitment to cooperate with the ICC during meetings in Khartoum with Human Rights Watch on February 12.

Sudanese authoritities have yet to take concrete steps to carry out this commitment, Human Rights Watch said.

The ICC opened an investigation into Darfur crimes in 2005. UN Security Council Resolution 1593 referred Darfur to the ICC. As Sudan is not an ICC member, the referral was needed for the ICC to investigate crimes committed in Darfur. The Central African Republic is an ICC member, and all ICC members are obligated to cooperate with the court under the ICC’s Rome Statute.

“Justice is not always immediately possible, making the ICC’s role as a permanent court so critical,” Keppler said. “ICC arrest warrants have no expiration date, but do rely on cooperation from states to be enforced. Now, the Central African Republic, Chad, France, Netherlands, and UN forces have helped make the hope of accountability for victims a reality.”



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Cameroon: Ensure Independent Probe of Reporter’s Death

(New York) – Cameroon’s government should ensure that the investigation into a journalist’s enforced disappearance and death in military custody is independent, effective, thorough, and impartial, four Cameroonian and six international organizations said today. United Nations (UN) Security Council members should urge accountability for the death of the journalist, Samuel Ajiekah Abuwe, known as Wazizi, when they are briefed on the situation in Cameroon during their June 12, 2020 meeting with the UN Office of Central Africa (UNOCA).

The police arrested Wazizi, 36, an English-speaking journalist at the privately owned broadcaster, Chillen Muzik and TV (CMTV), on August 2, 2019 in in Buea, South-West region, and transferred him to a military-run facility in the same city on August 7. On June 2, 3, and 4 Cameroonian and international media, as well as Reporters Without Borders and the Cameroon Trade Union of Journalists reported that they had learned Wazizi died in custody following torture, on an undetermined date.

“We are still shocked that authorities disappeared Wazizi and then covered up his death for 10 months, but we welcome the opening of an investigation and call on Cameroon’s government to make its findings public and ensure that all those responsible are brought to justice,” said Felix Agbor Nkongho, also known as Agbor-Balla, President of the Centre for Human Rights and Democracy in Africa (CHRDA).

Wazizi’s transfer to the military facility on August 7 was the last time any of his family, friends, colleagues, or lawyers saw him, or learned anything of his fate from the authorities, making his continued detention an enforced disappearance. He was accused of “collaborating with separatists,” but his lawyers say he had not been charged with any offense before his disappearance.

The French Ambassador to Cameroon told the media on June 5 that President Paul Biya had assured him that an investigation will be opened into the Wazizi’s death. The declaration was made the same day that the military spokesman, Colonel Serge Cyrille Atonfack, announced that Wazizi had died of severe sepsis on August 17, 2019 at the military hospital in Yaoundé, Cameroon’s capital. No autopsy was performed, and it is not clear on what basis Atonfack made the statement.

Cameroonian authorities had not made any official statement about the death of Wazizi, nor had they responded to multiple request for information filed by his lawyers, international media groups such as Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) and other journalists from Radio France International until June 5.

“It took the government 10 months after Wazizi was forcibly disappeared to acknowledge he died in custody, and authorities did so only following significant national and international pressure,” said Cyrille Bechon of the Cameroonian rights organization Nouveaux Droits de l’Homme. “Cameroonian authorities were responsible for his life and safety while in detention and must provide a full accounting as to the circumstances of his detention and death.”

Atonfack said that Wazizi’s family had been informed about his death, but family members refute that, saying they were never told and had been seeking information on his whereabouts since his arrest. On August 13, 2019 Wazizi’s lawyers filed a habeas corpus application before the president of the high court of the Fako division, Buea, South-West region. The application was dismissed on technical grounds. Another habeas corpus was filed on November 13, but even then, the government did not disclose that he was dead.

When he announced the death, Atonfack also alleged that Wazizi was active in one of the several separatist groups operating in the South-West region. His lawyers said that no evidence has ever been produced to support the accusations.

“If a person is arrested under the anti-terror law, due process should be followed, and evidence brought to court,” said Emmanuel Nkea, a defense lawyer. “But this has never been the case and the government is trying to cover up the facts.”

The circumstances of Wazizi’s death underscore the dangers faced by Cameroonian journalists, particularly those who report on and investigate the crisis in the Anglophone regions of the country. The organizations have repeatedly documented the vulnerability of reporters in Cameroon to harassment, intimidation, threats, torture, arbitrary arrest, and detention by Cameroonian security forces and authorities.

Under national and international human rights law, Cameroon’s authorities have an obligation to account for every death in custody and should conduct an effective, thorough, and independent investigation into Wazizi’s enforced disappearance and death. The investigation should be capable of establishing the facts surrounding Wazizi’s disappearance and death, including whether he died following torture or other ill-treatment in custody, and identifying all those responsible with a view to bringing them to justice. Failure to investigate and prosecute those responsible would violate Cameroon’s obligations to protect people from arbitrary detention and deprivation of life and to provide an effective remedy, the groups said.

The situation in Cameroon is expected to come up at the June 12 UN Security Council meeting with UNOCA. Cameroon’s international partners and UN Security Council members should publicly raise concerns about the grave human rights abuses in Cameroon, including against journalists, political opponents, and human rights defenders. The Security Council should also take the long-overdue step of formally adding Cameroon to its agenda so that it can more closely monitor the situation there.

“When it comes to the respect for human rights, the UN and Cameroon’s international partners should take a stand and speak out,” said Maximilienne Ngo Mbe, executive director of the Central African Network of Human Rights Defenders (Réseau des Défenseurs des Droits de l'Homme de l'Afrique Centrale – REDHAC). “They should demand accountability for Wazizi’s death. Ensuring a thorough, impartial and transparent investigation into Wazizi’s death is the very least the Cameroonian government can do to show its commitment to protecting the country’s fragile media freedom is not hollow.” 

  • Action des chrétiens pour l’abolition de la torture (ACAT)
  • Amnesty International
  • Cameroon Journalists’ Trade Union
  • Center for Human Rights and Democracy in Africa (CHRDA)
  • Central African Network of Human Rights Defenders
  • Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
  • Human Rights Watch
  • International Federation for Human Rights, in the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders
  • World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), in the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders
  • Nouveaux Droits de l’Homme


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Hong Kong: Rights Under Attack on Anniversary

(New York) – Hong Kong’s and China’s governments should reverse measures threatening the fundamental rights of people in Hong Kong, Human Rights Watch said today on the first anniversary of mass protests in the city. On June 9, 2019, over one million Hong Kong people marched peacefully against a proposed law that would allow Hong Kong authorities to transfer criminal suspects to China, where they would face a grossly unfair criminal justice system.

Following months of protests, the Hong Kong government scrapped the proposal in September, but Hong Kong and Beijing have since accelerated their efforts to suppress freedoms in the territory. In May 2020, the Chinese government announced it will impose draconian “national security” legislation on Hong Kong.

“For the past year Hong Kong people have made clear their peaceful demands for freedom and autonomy,” said Sophie Richardson, China director. “But the authorities in Beijing and Hong Kong choose to respond with ever-greater repression and violence.”

Between June and December 2019, at least two million people in Hong Kong – a city of seven million – repeatedly filled the streets to demand respect for their rights. Although the vast majority of protesters acted peacefully, Hong Kong police frequently dispersed them with excessive force. Suspected gang, or “triad,” members and pro-government demonstrators also repeatedly attacked protesters and pro-democracy lawmakers. Some protesters used violence, throwing Molotov cocktails at police.

In May, Hong Kong’s Independent Police Complaints Council, which United Nations human rights experts have criticized for lacking independence, largely exonerated police accused of using excessive force.

The Hong Kong government has rejected most of the protesters’ central demands, including for genuine universal suffrage as specified in Hong Kong’s functional constitution and in international law, and to open an independent and impartial investigation into police abuses. Since June 2019, the authorities have arrested nearly 8,000 demonstrators, yet they have not prosecuted any police officers credibly alleged to have used excessive force.

Instead of addressing the protesters’ legitimate concerns, the Hong Kong and Beijing governments have called the protests “riots,” and the protesters a “political virus” backed by “foreign forces.” In May 2020, Beijing adopted a decision to impose national security legislation without providing Hong Kong people or their elected representatives an opportunity to review and debate the law, in violation of the Basic Law. The resulting legislation is likely to have wide-ranging impact on Hong Kong, making it difficult for people to exercise the many freedoms they have long experienced. Instead, exercising these freedoms could be treated as subversion.

Hong Kong people and civil society groups have mobilized to oppose the law, with protests, strikes, and signature campaigns planned in the coming weeks. Foreign governments, including the European Union, United Kingdom, and United States, have voiced strong concerns about the national security legislation.

Governments should take concrete actions to help protect the rights of people in Hong Kong. They should sanction senior Beijing and Hong Kong officials responsible for recent human rights violations in Hong Kong and future abuses under the national security legislation, subjecting them to travel bans and asset freezes.

They should also offer a safe haven to Hong Kong people who suffer retaliation for exercising their human rights. They should commit resources to monitor Hong Kong’s deteriorating freedoms as a result of the national security legislation. They should also examine areas of freedom that Hong Kong people still have – for example, an open internet – and develop strategies to protect them.

“The global failure to respond to China’s aggressive rights abuses from Xinjiang to Hong Kong have only emboldened the Chinese government,” Richardson said. “Foreign governments catalyzed by this grave threat to freedoms in Hong Kong should act swiftly to press Beijing over its human rights violations.”



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US: Reject #8CantWait Policing Program

Demonstrators gather outside City Hall to protest the police shooting of Stephon Clark, in Sacramento, California, U.S., March 30, 2018.  © 2018 Reuters

(Washington, DC) – Government officials in the United States responsible for police policy and practice should reject a new campaign called #8CantWait that proposes only minor and ineffectual changes, Human Rights Watch said today. They should instead adopt meaningful reforms that will ensure police are held to account and reduce the police footprint, investing saved resources into services that improve access to housing, education, employment, and health care to address structural racism in the United States.

The hashtag #8CantWait is a list of policy proposals that would regulate some police behavior in certain instances without any enforcement mechanism. They include requiring officers to de-escalate situations; to intervene when other officers use excessive force; to give warnings before shooting when possible; to follow a “use of force continuum;” to exhaust all reasonable options before using deadly force; and to file reports for force incidents. They would ban chokeholds and shooting at moving vehicles. They rely almost entirely on police officers’ discretion and on departments policing themselves.

“The #8CantWait policing program is so superficial as to be meaningless,” said John Raphling, US criminal legal system researcher at Human Rights Watch. “It allows mayors and police chiefs to say they’re doing something without actually making the changes that are needed.”

As mass protests continue across the US following the killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and Ahmaud Arbery, many local government and police officials have embraced the #8CantWait program in responding to popular demands for substantial reform. The campaign’s marketing relies on questionable data analysis while touting endorsements from celebrities and politicians.

The #8CantWait program threatens to undermine the growing momentum in the US to fundamentally change policing and race relations, Human Rights Watch said. While they may sound promising, close examination reveals the proposed reforms to be ineffective and mostly dependent on an officer’s subjective interpretation of the situation.

For instance, a “use of force continuum” is a set of guidelines used by police to match a type of force with the behavior of the person they encounter. Human Rights Watch undertook a two-year investigation of policing, race, and poverty in Tulsa, Oklahoma – in many ways a microcosm of policing across the US – and found that the Tulsa Police Department continuum authorizes officers to use tasers, batons, dog bites, and pepper-ball launchers when an officer believes they are needed to control a person or overcome their resistance. The Tulsa policy states: “It is recognized that [the continuum] cannot be rigidly applied in rapidly unfolding and fluid situations. Officers should use the level of force which can reasonably be expected to succeed in controlling the situation.” So, the officer decides on the level of force needed.

With the #8CantWait, a decision not to de-escalate a situation, the failure to intervene in another officer’s actions, the resort to deadly force, and the decision not to give a warning before shooting, all depend on an officer’s interpretation of a situation and its later description in their report or further review. Many US police departments already have these types of highly discretion-dependent policies in place, and unlawful police use of force remains widespread. It is unrealistic to expect that expanding such policies will have significant impact.

Many of the #8CantWait policy provisions are already in effect in cities where police violence remains a problem. For instance, Cincinnati, Baltimore, and Chicago have seven of the eight proposals in place. 

Minneapolis had four, including a requirement to de-escalate, a use of force continuum, and a policy requiring officers to intervene when a colleague uses excessive force. Yet Officer Derek Chauvin’s three partners took no action as he slowly killed George Floyd in plain sight as witnesses begged them to help. Louisville requires officers to exhaust all other means and to issue a warning before shooting, but still, on March 13, their officers shot and killed Breonna Taylor while executing a search warrant at the wrong house.

Even a ban on chokeholds will have little impact, as officers can use other techniques to inflict physical harm. Los Angeles has restricted chokeholds since 1982, nearly 10 years before the infamous Rodney King beating.

The #8CantWait program includes no accountability mechanism to enforce these highly discretionary policy changes. Police disciplinary procedures are notoriously lenient, generally allowing departments to investigate their own. Human Rights Watch’s review of data from Tulsa revealed that in 3,364 separate acts of force over a five-year period, the department found only two outside policy and even then imposed no disciplinary measures.

“A policing program like #8CantWait without means of enforcement is just empty words,” Raphling said. “The campaign’s tepid policy changes, with its underlying assumption that police remain the solution to societal problems, is a dangerous distraction.”

As public outrage grows over recent police killings and the aggressive tactics used against protesters, so have demands for more fundamental changes, especially lowering the power and footprint of policing and reinvesting resources into services and economic opportunities. Mayors in San Francisco, Los Angeles, and New York have vowed to reduce police funding and reinvest that money into economic development and services that help black and brown communities.

Human Rights Watch has previously called for prioritizing services and investment in community over investment in law enforcement, a stance consistent with calls to reduce the footprint of policing by defunding. Reliance on policing to address societal problems, like homelessness, mental illness, and poverty increases racial oppression and the prevalence of police violence. Human Rights Watch has called for reductions in unnecessary arrests and for decriminalization of conduct like drug possession and sex work.

“Community activists and organizers have been building momentum for years to re-envision public safety as separate from policing,” Raphling said. “At this critical moment, we need to focus on making real structural change and reducing the policing footprint.”



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UN: Strengthen Humanitarian Aid for People with Disabilities

Among 100 new migrants arrived on the island of Lesbos since March 1, are a girl using a wheelchair and a boy unable to walk without support, sheltering in two public transport buses, with portable toilets at Mytilene Harbor. © 2020 Grigoris Siamidis

(New York) – Refugees and other displaced people with disabilities face barriers accessing food, hygiene, and basic services. The high-level United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) meeting which starts on June 9, 2020 should focus on strengthening the humanitarian response to reach people with disabilities.

“Despite commitments in recent years to do better to reach people with disabilities in humanitarian responses, displaced people with disabilities continue to struggle to get even basic services,” said Emina Ćerimović, senior disability rights researcher at Human Rights Watch. “As world leaders discuss how to strengthen humanitarian assistance, they should promise to fund targeted action to reach at-risk groups to keep promises to ‘leave no one behind.’”

The ECOSOC Humanitarian Affairs Segment (HAS) virtual meeting brings together UN leaders, member states, development groups, and humanitarian organizations to discuss the most pressing humanitarian issues across the globe, particularly in light of the Covid-19 pandemic.

Globally, an estimated 9.7 million people with disabilities have been forcibly displaced as a result of conflict and persecution. According to the December 2019 UN Humanitarian Needs Assessment Programme (HNAP) report on Syria, an estimated 37 percent of the people displaced in Syria have a disability.

The Covid-19 pandemic has exacerbated the already difficult situation for refugees and internally displaced people with disabilities. According to protection assessment by the UN refugee agency, UNHCR, of the Covid-19 impact on refugees in Lebanon in April 2020, 84 percent of refugees with a disability in Lebanon cited food insecurity as their foremost concern. The vast majority of refugees in Lebanon are from Syria.

Human Rights Watch interviewed a dozen refugees with disabilities and their families by phone in Lebanon, Syria, and Greece, between March and May. They reported difficulties in paying rent, accessing sanitation and assistive devices, and buying basic necessities, including food, medicine, and soap. They said these problems had grown worse during the pandemic.

All refugees in Lebanon interviewed said they had to eliminate healthy and nutrient rich food from their diet. Three said the cash assistance they received from humanitarian organizations helped them meet some of their needs, but not all. A mother of five children, three of whom have a disability, said her family is struggling to afford soap. “I prefer to use that money for food if I can,” she said.

A Syrian man who uses crutches and lives in the Moria refugee camp on Lesbos, Greece, said that waiting in long lines for food and for washing and sanitation facilities was especially difficult for him and others with disabilities. He said he had to ask friends to help him wash, as there are no sanitation facilities adapted and accessible for people with disabilities.

Human Rights Watch first reported on inaccessible camp facilities in Greece in 2016. Human Rights Watch found that asylum seekers and refugees with disabilities were not properly identified in Greece, and that they had difficulties getting basic services such as shelter and medical care, and had limited access to mental health services.

The inability to practice effective hygiene or get healthcare services puts refugees with disabilities at increased risk of infection and illness from Covid-19.

The UN has made several policy commitments recently regarding people with disabilities in humanitarian crises, including with regard to the Covid-19 pandemic. In June 2019, the UN Security Council adopted its first resolution on the protection of people with disabilities in armed conflict. In November, the UN issued Guidelines on the Inclusion of Persons with Disabilities in Humanitarian Action to help humanitarian agencies, governments, and affected communities to include people with disabilities in all phases of humanitarian action – from planning, to coordination, to monitoring. The UN’s May 2020 Covid-19 Global Humanitarian Response Plan promised to address the needs of people most at risk, including people with disabilities. On June 3, the UN secretary-general published a policy brief on Covid-19 and migration that recognized the disproportionate obstacles faced by people on the move who live with a disability during the Covid-19 pandemic.

Despite these initiatives, implementation has been slow. A senior official at a leading international humanitarian organization told Human Rights Watch in May: “We have strengthened our internal procedure to make sure it better takes into consideration people with disabilities, but our internal facts and figures show that on the ground, not much has changed.”

“World leaders have made bold commitments to include and protect refugees and displaced people, who have long been forgotten,” Ćerimović said. “Now governments need to step up and provide meaningful financial and other support to make those commitments a reality. People with disabilities are counting on them to come through.”

Statements by refugees and displaced people with disabilities and families in Lebanon and Syria. All names have been changed to protect their privacy.

Ala

Ala lives in an informal tented settlement in Lebanon. She is pregnant and has five children, three of whom have a disability. She said that she often cannot afford soap and nutrient rich food. She said that her family sold one child’s wheelchair to pay for items they considered more essential and rent. “We ran out of money last month and did not pay the rent,” she said. “We might be evicted soon.”

Ahmed

In Lebanon, Ahmed, who is from Syria and is blind, lives with his four children and his mother, who has a physical disability. He said:

We only buy soap. We don’t buy personal care and other hygiene products because we cannot afford them. Food is very expensive. We don’t buy healthy food anymore, like vegetables. We [only buy] rice and pasta, cheap things. [And] for five months I haven’t paid my rent. Before [Covid-19], I used to work, but now it is very hard. Even medication. My kids need medication and vitamins, but we can’t buy this. I am tired of this life. Of not having any money and not having any food.

Another blind Syrian refugee and father of two living in Lebanon said he had to take loans from supermarkets to buy food for his family.

Dua

Dua lives in a building under construction in Lebanon and has seven children, three of whom have disabilities. “I cannot afford to buy personal care and cleaning products,” she said. “Everything has changed now.” Dua said she fears eviction because her family has not paid rent since her husband lost his job due to the Covid-19 lockdown. “Mentally I am very tired,” she said. “Because of this situation, because of Covid-19, because of the rent and my little kid. I am so tired.”

 Rami

Rami, a 31-year-old man with a physical disability lives in a rented house in Lebanon with 14 other members of his extended family. He said they have not been able to pay rent for a month and that his family had to stop eating nutrient-rich food. “I used to take medications for my mental health condition and for my stomach, but now I don’t take any of it,” he said. Financially I can’t afford to.”

Syria

In March, Human Rights Watch interviewed three people with disabilities who are internally displaced in Idlib governorate in northwest Syria who reported difficulties in getting medical and other services, including assistive devices. One woman with a physical disability said that she has tried through several organizations to get a prosthetic leg, without success.



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South Sudan: Soldiers Kill Civilians in Land Dispute

Civilians walk past burning tires during a protest in Shirkat, Juba, South Sudan on June 3, 2020.  © Private 2020

(Nairobi) – South Sudanese security forces killed at least five people in Juba on June 3, 2020 during a violent confrontation over a land dispute and subsequent peaceful protests, Human Rights Watch said today. The authorities should investigate thoroughly and promptly hold those responsible to account in a transparent civilian process.

“Government security forces are supposed to protect civilians, not kill them,” said Nyagoah Tut Pur, South Sudan researcher at Human Rights Watch, “The authorities should ensure that all the officers involved in these unlawful and unjustified killings are brought to justice, through prompt, effective investigations and prosecutions.”

Early in the morning of June 3, a violent dispute broke out in a public bus park in the Sherikat neighborhood of Juba between local residents and armed military officers led by Lieutenant Lual Akook Wol Kiir, a relative of President Salva Kiir. The dispute was over a public toilet allegedly built on private land. Media and witnesses reported that Lt. Lual and six of his officers, armed with pistols and AK-47s, opened fire randomly, killing two men and a woman on the spot, and injuring at least seven others. A fourth resident, injured by a gunshot, died on the way to a hospital.

Lt. Lual, died in a hospital from a head injury he received during the violence.

In response to the killings, approximately 1,000 civilians gathered in the Sherikat market later that morning, at 9:30 a.m., and marched to the Rajaf Police post. Witnesses who participated in the protests told Human Rights Watch that as the protesters approached the police post, a group of armed police and military officers shot live ammunition into the air and at the marchers, killing one man, Deng Thon Deng, and injuring several others. The security forces arrested at least three protesters, witnesses said.

Peaceful protests also took place in the town of Bor, where the Sherikat residents killed that morning were from. National security service and military intelligence arrested two protesters, witnesses said.

A witness to the violence in Sherikat said that he saw the body of Adau Chol Malual, a tea seller in her early 30s, with a bullet wound in her back, and of Magot Arok Maketh, a man in his late 60s, with a bullet wound in his stomach. The other two victims were a Ugandan national, who died on the spot, and Jok Thongbor Jok, who died on the way to a hospital.

The army spokesperson, Lul Ruai Kong, said that the six officers implicated in shooting civilians in Sherikat are being held in the “giyada” military barracks in Juba. Fourteen other people detained in connection with the violence are in police custody said Daniel Justin, the national police service spokesperson. Both said that armed security units were dispatched to control the crowd later that morning but denied that they shot at protesters.

Three witnesses who participated in the protest said that the security forces opened fire on them, without warning and with no prior efforts to control or disperse the crowds with nonviolent or less than lethal means.

“They did not even read our appeal or even ask us what we wanted,” said a 32-year-old protester. “They started firing even when we did not reach where they are. They started shooting, saying that they want to disperse us. All the bullets were live bullets.”

Human Rights Watch reviewed three videos posted on YouTube on June 3 that show protesters running away from gunfire. One man was shot, and people in the crowd carried him to a nearby building. 

In Bor, 200 kilometers north of Juba, at least 100 youth gathered in a public market that afternoon and marched to the town police station. Some rode on boda bodas [motorbikes], others walked, carrying placards and shouting slogans with “Kiir Must go” and “Justice for our people in Juba.”

Witnesses said security forces shot in the air to disperse the crowd and arrested two people, including Chol Mawell Jok, a journalist who was documenting the protest and identified himself as a member of the media to security officers. They also arrested a youth leader who helped organize the protests. Security forces detained the two in a container in the National Security Service compound in Bor but a group of youth broke them out later, fearing they would be tortured and forcibly disappeared. 

Bol Deng Bol, a Bor resident who participated in the protests, said the killings in Sherikat were just the latest example of serious violations by the security forces, which go unaddressed.  “It has happened many times that security forces kill citizens and there is no justice,” he said. “Often, they say it is unknown gunmen. We are fed up. It should not look like we are begging for the government to protect us, it is their primary role to do so.”

The right to life, as well as rights to peaceful assembly, association and freedom of expression are fundamental human rights, guaranteed under South Sudan’s Constitution as well as international human rights treaties to which South Sudan is bound including the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

International human rights standards limit the use of force to situations in which it is strictly necessary. The United Nations Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials provide that law enforcement officials may only use force if other means remain ineffective or have no promise of achieving the intended result. When using force, law enforcement officials should exercise restraint and act in proportion to the seriousness of the offense and to the legitimate objective to be achieved. Every use of lethal force in law enforcement operations, including those that are allegedly accidental, must be subject to an effective, independent, and impartial investigation.

South Sudanese authorities have in the past shown intolerance to protests and failed to hold anyone responsible for unlawful killings and other harm resulting from use of excessive and lethal force against peaceful protestors.

On June 4, President Kiir established an Investigation Committee led by the justice minister and consisting of the heads of the army, police, military intelligence, and the National Security Service, the director for public prosecutions, and one civilian.  They are mandated to investigate the killings in Sherikat during the initial confrontation over land, and to issue their findings to the president within seven days.

Past government-led investigative committees formed to probe abuses by security officers have failed to carry out effective investigations and have not led to criminal proceedings or accountability, Human Rights Watch said.

The authorities should ensure that the investigation is effective and capable of establishing the facts surrounding the land dispute including abuse of public office as well as security forces’ unlawful use of force against the protesters in Juba and Bor and identifying those responsible for any crimes, for the purposes of prosecuting and punishing them. It should make its findings public in a timely manner. The victims or their families should have access to the investigation and to an effective remedy. The accused should also be guaranteed the right to a fair trial.

“South Sudanese authorities should not repeat mistakes of the past but set new standards of accountability and respect for fundamental rights,” Pur said. “This begins by taking the required, meaningful steps to provide effective remedies, including criminal accountability, for the recent violations of rights.” 

 

 



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EU: Strengthen Rules on Surveillance Tech Exports

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen speaks during a presentation on Europe's Digital Future at EU headquarters in Brussels, February 19, 2020. © 2020 AP Photo/Virginia Mayo

The European Union should adopt stronger regulations to prevent cyber surveillance technology developed in Europe from being sold to repressive governments,  Human Rights Watch said today in a letter to the European Union together with seven other human rights groups. EU member states that have hindered the progress of more robust legislation should drop their opposition.

For years, gaps in the current regulation have allowed the sale of so-called “dual use” items produced in the EU, including mass and intrusive surveillance systems,  to abusive governments. These government have used the technology to crack down on human rights defenders, journalists and opposition groups. In the letter, the groups urged the European Union to adopt legislation that requires companies to carry out human rights due diligence and mandates states to deny export licenses for cyber surveillance technology if there is a substantial risk that it  may be used to violate human rights.

“Weak EU rules have allowed companies to peddle spyware to repressive governments, helping them squash dissent,” said Wenzel Michalski, Germany director at Human Rights Watch. “The EU needs to plug the holes in its trade regime and stop being complicit in human rights abuses.”  

In 2016, the European Commission proposed a number of meaningful reforms, largely supported by the European parliament, to the regulation on trade in surveillance technologies. But the European Council gutted them in June 2019. The Czech Republic, Cyprus, Estonia, Finland, Ireland, Italy, Poland, and Sweden opposed the reforms, citing largely economic interests.  

As negotiations are about to restart, the European Commission has proposed new draft amendments in an attempt to find a compromise between the Council’s and the Parliament’s positions, but those amendments fall short of the reforms needed to rein in the surveillance industry.  

For almost a decade, cases of these technologies harming rights have cropped up throughout the world. The German company FinFisher’s product, FinSpy, can target mobile phones to obtain contacts, text messages, emails, locations, photos and other data, and to record calls. Italy’s Hacking Team sells government agencies a suite of remote monitoring spyware called Remote Control System (RCS), which provides access to computers and smart phones in real time.

The Toronto-based research group Citizen Lab has found evidence that FinSpy was being used by government agencies in over 30 countries, including many with abysmal records on rights, like Bahrain, Oman, and Qatar, and traced Hacking Team’s RCS to use in 21 countries, including by repressive governments in Saudi Arabia and the UAE.

In 2014 Human Rights Watch documented that the Ethiopian government has used both FinFisher and Hacking Team spyware against opposition group members and journalists overseas. The government has also previously used foreign technology to record private phone conversations and emails of people targeted for their alleged political beliefs. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has used both FinSpy and RCS to target the high-profile Emirati activist Ahmed Mansoor. He is currently serving a 10-year sentence in prison issued in 2018 for “cybercrimes.”

The French firm Amesys, which became Nexa Technologies, is the subject of multiple judicial investigations in France for its role in facilitating human rights abuses. One investigation is looking into the use of its surveillance systems in Libya to identify, track down and torture the former Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi’s political opponents.

The Crimes Against Humanity Division of the Paris Prosecutor’s office  opened a  second formal investigation  into allegations that its monitoring systems were sold to the authoritarian government of Abdel Fattah al-Sisi in Egypt as recently as 2014. President al-Sisi’s rule has been defined by brutal attacks against civil society and suppression of fundamental rights and of all forms of dissent.

In July 2019, security researchers found FinSpy being used in Myanmar, a country that committed atrocities against its Rohingya minority and regularly prosecutes journalists, activists and even satirical groups. FinSpy was also found to be used against the main opposition party in Turkey during a protest in 2017. Turkey’s communication minister at the time refuted all allegations regarding the use of FinSpy in 2018. But the following year German prosecutors opened an investigation into whether FinFisher broke the law by exporting its powerful spying software to Turkey without a permit.

Memento Labs took ownership over Hacking Team in April 2019. In a communication to Human Rights Watch, the company said it cannot comment on Hacking Team’s activities and that it has new policies and procedures to assess the human rights impact of its sales. FinFisher did not respond to a request for comment.

There are also questions as to whether EU states are facilitating the trade of spyware produced by the Israeli company NSO Group, whose Pegasus spyware has been documented as being used to target a wide swath of civil society, including at least 24 human rights defenders, journalists, and members of parliament in Mexico, an Amnesty International employee, Mansoor, Saudi Arabian human rights defenders, and, allegedly, the Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi, who was subsequently murdered.

 In a letter to Human Rights Watch and other organizations, Novalpina Capital, a European private equity firm that has controlling ownership in NSO Group, revealed that the exporting authorities in Cyprus and Bulgaria issue export licenses for NSO Group products, a claim both authorities deny.

In addition to stronger due diligence requirements, the organizations urged the European Union to improve its export control regime. The regime should include creating a system for states to update an EU control list for cyber surveillance technologies in a transparent and consultative manner, and denying export control licenses for non-listed items on human rights grounds.

A so-called “catch-all” clause would require the companies to inform the export authority when they have identified human rights risks associated with their exports, and the authority would authorize or deny the license upon evaluation of these risks. The groups also said that the EU should adopt appropriate human rights standards and transparency regarding export licenses granted, and denied, which is essential to meaningfully scrutinize the human rights impact of the trade in dual-use items.

“The EU should take the lead by putting its commitment to human rights ahead of the surveillance industry,” Michalski said. “The longer this trade is unregulated, the more likely it is that abusive governments will be able to spy on activists and perceived critics, and use that information to commit further abuses. That is a stark contrast with the EU’s stated support for human rights.”



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Systemic Inequities Increase Covid-19 Risk for Indigenous People in Canada

Roxanne Moonias, mother to an infant with a chronic illness, demonstrates one of the steps she takes to ensure her baby is not exposed to contaminants in the water. Roxanne lives in Neskantaga First Nation and says that it takes her an hour each time to properly wash and rinse his bottles.  © 2015 Samer Muscati/Human Rights Watch

Across Canada, public health officials are expressing cautious optimism that efforts to contain Covid-19 are proving effective . But Canadians should recognize Indigenous communities are still at risk.

Canada’s record in protecting the rights of Indigenous peoples is abysmal. And it is precisely because of the systemic inequities and discrimination these communities face that Indigenous people may suffer disproportionately from Covid-19.

Federal and provincial governments have urged handwashing and social distancing as Canada’s best defense against the virus. But, as Human Rights Watch has documented, many First Nations communities lack access to clean water and inadequate funding for on-reserve housing has led to severe overcrowding, making social distancing difficult. In urban settings, Indigenous people are also overrepresented in populations at heightened risk of Covid-19: populations experiencing homelessness, prison populations, and people living in poverty.

Indigenous people in Canada also have high rates of underlying health conditions such as diabetes or tuberculosis – diseases associated with poverty or exclusion. According to the World Health Organization, “People ill with both TB and Covid-19 may have poorer treatment outcomes, especially if TB treatment is interrupted.” Patients with diabetes may also be at higher risk from severe illness from Covid-19.

Many Indigenous people also face discrimination in accessing health care services. In remote Northern communities, many nursing stations are ill-equipped and understaffed. Travel to medical centers is expensive and challenging due to current travel restrictions. Some Indigenous communities also do not have access to the personal protective equipment (PPE) they need – and this does not even begin to cover the mental health impact these communities will face moving forward.

Later this year, Human Rights Watch will release a report documenting how climate change is impacting access to food in remote Indigenous communities. Food insecurity may be further exacerbated by the pressures of Covid-19, especially in communities that rely on long-distance deliveries to replenish food stocks.

While the Canadian government has taken steps to address some concerns, deeper reforms are in order.

Authorities should work to dismantle barriers to health care for Indigenous people and ensure supplies such as PPEs are being deployed equitably.

Crucially, the government should involve Indigenous people in creating solutions to address their specific needs, in ways that respect their rights, and end paternalistic approaches that have harmed them. Canada needs to work with Indigenous governments to decrease the impact of this pandemic, and so that Indigenous communities can look forward to healthy futures in which they are resilient to emergencies.



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Lebanon: Huge Cost of Inaction in Trash Crisis

Workers clean a shore from garbage days after an extended storm battered the Mediterranean country, at the Zouq Mosbeh costal town, north of Beirut, Lebanon, January 23, 2018. © 2018 AP Photo/Hussein Malla

(Beirut) – Lebanon’s lack of a comprehensive solid waste management strategy is incurring huge environmental and public health costs, the Waste Management Coalition and Human Rights Watch said today. Trash began piling up on the streets in Beirut and surrounding areas in scenes reminiscent of the 2015 trash crisis after the Borj Hammoud/Jdeideh landfill reached capacity on April 30, 2020 and stopped receiving waste.

On May 5, the Cabinet approved the vertical expansion of the landfill, one of two main landfills serving Beirut and surrounding areas, but only as a stopgap measure. Human Rights Watch warned last year that the landfill was reaching capacity and urged the government to adopt a more comprehensive solid waste management strategy that respects everyone’s right to health.

“Rights groups and environmental experts have been warning Lebanese decision-makers for years that Lebanon’s waste management practices are not sustainable,” said Aya Majzoub, Lebanon researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The costs of inaction are huge, and residents are being denied their right to health and a healthy environment every day this crisis goes unaddressed.”

The landfill’s expansion, which will extend its life expectancy for an additional three months, is broadly considered a stopgap measure until more permanent solutions are found. Experts say that the landfill, which does not comply with international best practices and was established without an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA), is affecting nearby residents’ health. The initial establishment of the landfill itself was a supposedly temporary solution to the 2015 trash crisis.

Lebanon adopted its first law on solid waste management in September 2018, but its implementation has been stalled.

The lack of a comprehensive solid waste management strategy and reliance on landfills, however, is itself incurring huge costs. The Waste Management Coalition found that Lebanon spends US$154.5 dollars to manage every ton of solid waste. By comparison, Algeria, Jordan, and Syria spend $7.22, $22.8, and $21.55, respectively. On average, Lebanon spends around $420 million per year on solid waste management, while countries like Jordan and Tunisia spend between $48 and $54 million per year.

A 2004 World Bank study estimated the cost of environmental pollution from illegal dumping and waste burning at around $10 million per year, and rising. Another study in 2014 by two waste management experts showed that the cost of environmental degradation from improper solid waste management is $66.5 million a year, 0.2 percent of the 2012 national GDP.


The study showed that improved waste management practices, such as recycling and composting, could save $74 million a year. Currently, about 85 percent of solid waste goes to open dumps or landfills. But according to American University of Beirut (AUB) researchers, only 10 to 12 percent of Lebanon’s waste cannot be composted or recycled.

The environmental degradation study did not measure the costs associated with the public health impacts of pollution generated by Lebanon’s current waste management practices. But in 2017, Human Rights Watch investigated the health problems from increasing open waste burning as a consequence of the lack of effective waste management strategies. Residents of areas where waste was being dumped and burned reported health problems including chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, coughing, throat irritation, skin conditions, and asthma. Air pollution from open waste burning has been linked to heart disease and emphysema and can expose people to carcinogenic compounds.

The 2018 waste law mandated the Environment Ministry to develop a national waste management strategy by March 2019. However, the strategy has not yet been adopted and is awaiting a Strategic Environmental Assessment to analyze the environmental effects of the solid waste strategy and to integrate environmental considerations into high-level decision-making.

Both Human Rights Watch and the Waste Management Coalition reviewed a draft summary of the strategy and submitted feedback and recommendations for revisions. However, the Environment Ministry did not share the full strategy with either organization and neither organization was able to see a final draft, raising concerns about the meaningfulness of the consultation.

In August, Lebanon’s Cabinet approved a roadmap that an environment expert described to Human Rights Watch as a step toward carrying out the solid waste management law. The expert said that a ministerial committee was looking into the need to amend the roadmap in light of progress made and developments since widespread protests began in Lebanon in October, as well as the impact of the economic crisis and Covid-19 on this process. The roadmap proposed establishing 25 sanitary landfills across the country, not all of which had received an EIA, as well as 3 incinerators.

Lebanon’s cabinet should not agree to landfill expansions or new landfills without first ensuring that adequate EIAs have been carried out, should increase transparency for the process, and should ensure meaningful consultations with municipalities and other stakeholders, Human Rights Watch and the Waste Management Coalition said.

Sustainable waste management solutions should include a focus on reducing the amount of waste sent to landfills rather than expanding existing landfills or establishing new ones. The cabinet passed a decree on September 19 mandating municipalities to provide the resources residents need to sort their trash at home. However, very few municipalities are abiding by the decree, and the majority of household waste is collected unsorted and sent to landfills rather than being sorted, recycled, composted, or otherwise diverted from a landfill.

Lebanon should also create public awareness programs to promote sustainable waste management practices that respect the right to health and a clean environment, while demonstrating the health risks of open dumping and burning. The authorities should ensure proper compliance and enforcement of waste management laws and decrees and set clear penalties for violators that serve as effective deterrents to future violations.

The costs of inaction on solid waste management are high. The cabinet should urgently review the roadmap and the strategy and adopt an integrated approach to solid waste management that decreases Lebanon’s reliance on landfills and gives municipalities the resources they need to fulfill their duties. Any plan presented to the cabinet should comply with environmental and public health best practices as well as Lebanese and international law and ensure that the authorities respect the right to health and to live in a healthy environment. It should also ensure that everyone is fully informed of threats to their health in their area.

Samar Khalil of the Waste Management Coalition said:

Lebanon’s authorities should build an integrated waste management system that emphasizes waste reduction and material recovery and decreases Lebanon’s reliance on landfills. This can be achieved through economic policies that reduce the import of materials that end up in landfills as well as using financial, legal, and education tools to reduce the use of packaging, materials that are harmful to the environment, and single-use products in addition to encouraging recycling industries and investing in research for the valorization of non-recyclable waste.



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Monday, June 8, 2020

Africa: Covid-19 Exposes Healthcare Shortfalls

Healthcare workers treating Covid-19 patients in Tanzania wear personal protective equipment used to protect against the transmission of the disease. The spread of Covid-19 has revealed the harmful impacts of insufficient healthcare investment by African governments, including inadequate supplies of personal protective equipment for healthcare workers.  © Private 2020

(Nairobi) – The Covid-19 pandemic has exposed gaps in health services that require urgent attention in many African countries, Human Rights Watch said today.  

African governments should urgently address healthcare deficiencies to meet the demands of the Covid-19 pandemic and ongoing healthcare needs of their populations. They should act to ensure everyone’s right to health is in line with international human rights law, including the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.

“The current global health crisis from the spread of the novel coronavirus has brought to the fore the need for African Union (AU) member states to carefully analyze the current state of their healthcare infrastructure and make meaningful investments to improve access to quality health care,” said Carine Kaneza Nantulya, Africa advocacy director at Human Rights Watch.

In April and May 2020, Human Rights Watch interviewed African health experts, including pathologists, epidemiologists, and public health officials. They said that inadequacies in resources are due to insufficient government investment in health, which in turn affects the ability of health workers to fulfill their duties, especially during the pandemic.

The health experts and representatives of human rights organizations interviewed said that a chronic lack of investment in healthcare infrastructure and equipment has made it harder for African nations to retain skilled healthcare workers, provide essential medicines, and reduce the mortality rates of perennial diseases like malaria.

According to the World Health Organization (WHO) as of June 8, 187, 875 cases of Covid-19 had been reported across 54 African countries. The global health agency warned on May 7 that up to 190,000 people could die on the continent and up to 44 million could become infected, if the disease is not contained.

Lack of access to testing is hampering efforts to save lives, some experts told Human Rights Watch. While many African countries have responded swiftly by enacting measures to slow the spread of the pandemic, many also lack the capacity to test for Covid-19, isolate people with confirmed or suspected cases, trace contacts, and treat those with severe illness.

In 2001, African leaders signed the Abuja Declaration, voluntarily pledging to allocate a minimum of 15 percent of each country’s national budget to health. Nineteen years later, there have only been modest increases in the health budgets of a few African countries. In 2011, WHO reported that 27 countries had increased the proportion of total government expenditures allocated to health since 2001.

According to a subsequent report released in 2013, only three countries had attained the percentage pledged: Botswana (17 percent), Rwanda (20 percent), and Zambia (16 percent). In 2019, the Pan-African Parliament and the WHO Regional Office for Africa said that African governments should ensure the right to health for all and increase domestic resources for HIV prevention and treatment and overall health.

Norman Matara, a Zimbabwean doctor, told Human Rights Watch that African governments need to take the Abuja Declaration seriously. “When you look at the defense budget, they buy state-of-the-art military equipment, so this is not about poverty; it is about genuine political commitment,” he said. “Our health sector is poor…. This is not something that will change overnight. But if we continuously invest, we will see progressive, then full, realization of the right to health.”

Recent studies have highlighted deficiencies in health systems across the continent. A May survey report by Reuters found that there is less than 1 intensive care bed per 100,000 people across Africa, while an April report by the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) concluded that healthcare systems across the continent are under-resourced, with lower proportions of available hospital beds, intensive care units, and health professionals than other regions of the world.

Lack of consistent planning for healthcare infrastructure and inadequate funds allocation, compounded by budgetary cuts, have left public health sectors in some countries ill-prepared to deal with the novel coronavirus in Africa.

Solomon Dersso, chairperson of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR), the primary AU human rights entity tasked with promoting and protecting human rights on the continent, said the Covid-19 pandemic underscores the fact that health is a fundamental human right and that its realization and fulfillment is not just for the health of individuals but for the society as a whole: “Ultimately, the right to health is a policy choice,” he told Human Rights Watch. “Governments have the primary responsibility to be at the forefront of preventive and palliative measures.” He said African nations should pause and reflect during the current crisis.

In a March 24 statement, the ACHPR said that governments should provide health workers with the necessary protective equipment and establish treatment protocols to ensure that they are protected from exposure to infection. The commission also highlighted the importance of integrating human rights within the continental response to the pandemic in a May letter to the AU chairperson, President Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa.

The right to health is a fundamental right under international human rights law. It is also a critical component of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and is recognized in at least 115 constitutions across the world, including the 55 AU member states. A key goal of the AU’s Agenda 2063, the institution’s master plan for democratic governance and sustainable development, is to ensure that citizens are healthy and that adequate investment is made to expand access to quality health care.

Article 16 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights guarantees the right of every individual to enjoy the best attainable state of physical and mental health. The charter says that AU member states should take the necessary measures to protect the health of their people and to ensure that medical services, goods, and facilities are available, accessible, and of good quality.

“Beyond the current pandemic, African governments should bring the right to health front and center in their policies and programs to improve people’s lives,” said Kaneza Nantulya. “They should engage African human rights institutions like the ACHPR as key partners to fulfill their obligations under the African Charter.”

Lack of Adequate Protective Equipment, Insufficient Wages, Low Morale

A doctor in Soweto, South Africa, who, along with some of the others interviewed, requested anonymity to speak freely, told Human Rights Watch that the government’s neglect of adequate protective equipment and other factors threaten nurses’ lives and affects their morale:

We are overstretched and are not sufficiently protected. Our wages are being reduced but I still must pay for my own personal protective equipment (PPE). If I die, I am gone. Many nurses and doctors have left the country at a time when nursing colleges have been closed, so medical staff end up not getting solid qualification. We get low wages and are unmotivated. We have not received the promised 5.5 percent increase of salary, instead they cut our pay by 1 percent since the Covid-19 pandemic. My salary has not improved for the last three to four years. I am tired, very tired.

A Tanzanian nurse said:

I have been working at Amana Regional Referral Hospital for 10 years. Here is what my normal day looks like: I do not have any PPE, but I commute in public transport. How am I supposed to protect myself and others? How am I supposed to protect my family? We are struggling …we hear that nurses abroad are well paid, so we consider that as the best option …people are demoralized.

Dr. Matara spoke about the Zimbabwean government’s longstanding neglect of health workers and the public health sector:

Doctors went on a strike for five months. They were paid for the first month, and then the government fired close to 400 doctors, although the sack was reversed after one month. I have been involved in more than 10 strikes in the last 9 years. What is peculiar about our most recent strike is that we were asking the government to provide us with basic equipment, gloves, PPE. We took the government to court and we won the court case. The government was compelled to provide PPE to health workers. Our senior government officials keep flying to China, Singapore, and South Africa to get treatment. Covid-19 had to come for the government to realize that it was important to rehabilitate hospital facilities – how ironic.

Lack of Long-Term Investment in Health Facilities, Local Expertise

Speaking about the lack of basic equipment, Emmanuel Othieno, a senior pathologist at Uganda’s Soroti Hospital, said:

Our biggest challenge is the lack of diagnostic laboratories. Patients and doctors are still consulting private labs. Sometimes samples are taken outside of the country for diagnosis, without proper records. We do not have a nationwide data management system, not to mention diagnostics. We have lots of referrals to India. When testing results are delayed, the fear of rising death tolls becomes real. We should avoid patients always having to travel abroad for testing and treatment.

A Burundian medical student in New Delhi, India said:

We want our governments to do the simplest things: provide diagnostic labs for our medical schools. How can we provide quality service when some countries do not have a single research facility within entire medical schools? I honestly do not intend to work in an African country. It is a waste of time. I have studied too hard, too long for this.

Dr. Awada Mohamed, director of the Centre Hospitalier Universitaire Ignace Deen in Conakry, Guinea said: “A major challenge is that we do not have enough nursing staff and care givers. The government does a lot, but we need personnel.”

Professor Oyewale Tomori of Nigeria, senior health expert based in Nigeria and a former WHO official, spoke about the importance of an “enabling environment” to build health system capacity:

The Lassa flu was discovered 50 years ago in Nigeria … we are a continent that fails to learn lessons. Every time we have a Lassa outbreak, we always approach it as a new outbreak. In 1989, I taught a young United States-based medical student here in Nigeria. But when the flu broke out again in 2019, my former student was invited to the country as an adviser to a panel on which I served. That is because he evolved in an environment that appreciated his skills and enabled him to grow his expertise. It is not enough to build local capacity; you must create an enabling environment for the capacity to function effectively. Also, Africa must learn how to upgrade and appreciate its medical expertise.

Right to Health and Covid-19, and Previous Disease Outbreaks

The experts said that many African governments’ responses to previous outbreaks of diseases such as measles, HIV, and malaria suggest that governments will not recognize the need to prioritize investment in the health sector after the Covid-19 pandemic.

Silas Majambere, a Burundian malaria expert, said:

I am unsure about governments’ abilities to learn from this crisis. Despite having hundreds of thousands of Africans dying of malaria each year, African governments have failed to invest in research for its treatment, or in the manufacturing of preventive bed nets locally.

Lassa fever is a severe viral hemorrhagic fever (VHF), like Ebola, that was declared an “active outbreak” by the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC) in February 2020. Edobor Emiogun, a Nigerian independent health consultant, said:

The Lassa flu kills more than Covid-19 but no one does anything, because it is seen as “the poor man’s disease.” Covid-19 in a way has now equalized people, but I am not sure whether our leaders will learn anything from it.

On possible lessons to be drawn from the Ebola epidemic in Guinea, a Senegalese expert, Professor Fay Sylvain, said:

Not much was learned from our Ebola experience. We now have in some of our neighboring West African countries many Covid-19 patients lying in the corridors. Yes, we have the expertise, the know-how, but beyond this, have we increased our testing capacity? Where are our laboratories? How many hospitals have we built since the recent Ebola outbreak in 2013?

An ACHPR commissioner, Jamesina King, said:

We must go back to the drawing board. Allocating more funds … to health care is a must for African States. After Covid-19 should be the opportunity to address emergency health care, healthcare infrastructure, and a comprehensive health insurance scheme in Africa so that no one dies because they are too far from a health facility or they cannot afford expensive private hospitals. States should make healthcare systems in Africa sound and efficient so that the privileged do not always travel abroad to seek medical care.

Dr. Djoudalbaye Benjamin, Africa Center for Disease Control’s head of policy and health diplomacy, cautioned against a one-size-fits-all approach:

We must realize that deficiencies are multisectoral and consider that we have 55 countries; 15 percent from government GDP is not enough to build resilient systems, and it does not consider the economic discrepancies between countries. If you take South Africa, Morocco, and Burkina Faso, you immediately see that the impact will be different. We must go beyond the 15 percent, re-evaluate our methods of calculation of the allocation. This is important work that must be undertaken.

Speaking about governments’ lack of investment in the health sector, a Ugandan senior public health expert said:

The minister of health once told me that the public health expenditure had increased, but when I insisted and asked to see their budgets and figures, they realized that they had been decreasing their health budget per capita. At that time, they were spending US$10 per capita while WHO standards were $40 per capita. They had not known for some time because they were not tracking their health budgets. We must take advantage of Covid-19 to make the case to expand and track our health investments.

On the importance of building an efficient and equitable health system, Professor Salim S. Abdool Karim, a South African clinical infectious diseases epidemiologist, said:

On the issue of the Covid-19, we must remember that human beings will always be faced with a virus which we have not found out yet as we do not have an endless natural immunity. Let us be ready. If I could turn back the clock, we could have created a much more equitable medical system. Medical care is critical, you need a good and solid medical system, for any threat – it’s not just about equity but also about efficiency, power, correctness – a medical system that provides health promotion, both preventive and curative.

A US secretary-general’s policy brief published in May on the impact of Covid-19 in Africa says that Mauritius has the second-highest level of preparedness for Covid-19 on the continent. Speaking about Mauritius’ perceived success in addressing the pandemic, Dr. Catherine Gaud, a Mauritian immunologist and a government adviser on Covid-19, said:

Mauritius has a lot to offer in terms of best practices. As of May 21, 2020, we have not had new cases for 23 days and we are conducting 3,000 screenings per day. Besides our natural advantage of being an island, because it is easier to control people’s movement in and out of the island, we have had universal health coverage, a strong laboratory system where we even conduct molecular biology, and a strong political will. Like in some African countries, we have adopted a multisectoral approach, and meet every single day with representatives from finance, military, foreign affairs, commerce, and, quite interestingly, the attorney general.

Legal and Policy Framework

Key relevant standards relating to the right to health include general comments by UN human rights treaty bodies, institutions monitoring the implementation of treaties. These include General Comments No. 14 (2000) and No. 22 (2016) of the Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, and General Comment No. 15 (2015) of the Committee on the Rights of the Child.

In 2008, the ACHPR adopted Resolution 141 on Access to Health and Needed Medicines in Africa in 2008. The Resolution, which says that governments should take various measures and precautions to guarantee access to essential medicines and treatments for citizens, reaffirmed Article 16 of the African Charter.

The AU specifically addresses women’s right to health in the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights of Women in Africa (“Maputo Protocol”) of 2003. Article 14 of the Maputo Protocol provides comprehensive provisions about the right to health, including sexual and reproductive health.

The African Union has endorsed various policy and normative tools, including: the 2015 Addis Ababa Action Agenda on the Third High-Level Conference on Financing for Development; the Global Strategy for Women’s, Children’s and Adolescent Health 2016-2030; the Catalytic Framework to End AIDS, TB, and eliminate Malaria by 2030; the Continental Policy Framework For Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR) and its Maputo Plan of Action 2016-2030; the Pharmaceutical Manufacturing Plan for Africa; the African Regional Nutrition Strategy 2015 – 2025 and the AU Decade on Traditional Medicines.

The Africa Health Strategy (AHS) 2016-2030 advocates stronger collaboration among various stakeholders, including government, civil society, and the private sector to better leverage knowledge and expertise and mobilize resources.



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